AFP May 25, 2008
Eritrean President Issaias Afeworki said Saturday the United Nations mission monitoring its disputed border with Ethiopia was "irrelevant and dead" and blaming the US for the impasse.
The UN Mission in Eritrea and Ethiopia (UNMEE) relocated from Eritrea in March after the Asmara administration cut off its diesel supplies, crippling its monitoring activities.
Asmara accuses the UN of failing to force Ethiopia to accept the ruling of a UN-backed independent boundary commission which granted Eritrea the disputed border village of Badme.
In a speech marking the country's 17th independence anniversary, Issaias blamed the US for Ethiopia's refusal and the UN's non-action.
"The US administration is currently resorting to acts of putting under question mark the authority of the Boundary Commission and ... at other times trying to divert attention through raising irrelevant and dead issues such as that of UNMEE," Issaias said.
"There is no remaining issue at all, other than the withdrawal of the invading Ethiopian forces from sovereign Eritrean territories. The UN Security Council is duty-bound to live up to its legal and moral obligation to put an end to such invasion and its dangerous consequences," he added.
Early this month, the UN Security Council unanimously criticised Eritrea for cutting off diesel supplies to the UN mission monitoring the Eritrea-Ethiopia border dispute, forcing it to pull out of the country.
The council adopted a non-binding statement that reminded both sides that they had the responsibility for achieving a lasting settlement of the border row.
Under a 2000 Algiers peace deal which ended their 1998-2000 border war, Eritrea and Ethiopia pledged to accept as "final and binding" a verdict by the panel on their dispute.
The commission granted the flashpoint border town of Badme to Eritrea, but Ethiopia has refused to recognize it, saying it split families and demanded fresh negotiations, which Asmara has rejected.
Eritrea got independence from Ethiopia in 1991 after bloody guerilla war.
Sunday, May 25, 2008
Monday, March 24, 2008
Talks seek to end Somali violence
Somalia's interim prime minister, Nur Hassan Hussein, has met elders of the Hawiye clan, who are influential in the capital, as part of his peace efforts.
He discussed his recently-outlined plan to restore stability. Both sides described the meeting as a stepping stone towards reconciliation.
It is not clear how much influence the elders have with the insurgents.
The most powerful group, al-Shabab, has said it will continue fighting. Most of its members are Hawiye.
Over the past year, the capital, Mogadishu, has been rocked by almost daily violence between Islamist insurgents and Ethiopian troops supporting the Somali government.
In the latest violence, four people, including three government soldiers are reported to have been killed in Mogadishu after gunmen in a vehicle open fire on government soldiers stationed at a junction.
The meeting is the first between the government and members of the Hawiye Cultural and Unity Council, says the BBC's Mohamed Olad Hassan.
He says many of the elders have been sharply critical of government policies and came out of hiding to attend the talks at Mogadishu International Airport under the security umbrella of African Union forces.
On Monday, the prime minister met business leaders in the capital.
Al-Shabab
Al-Shabab has become increasingly active, not only fighting in Mogadishu, but carrying out hit-and-run attacks throughout central and southern Somalia.
In the past few weeks, al-Shabab has attacked a number of strategic towns, including Dinsor in the south-west and Bur Hakaba, near the seat of parliament in Baidoa.
A pattern is emerging whereby the militia briefly occupy the town, often killing a number of people, then withdraw with arms, ammunition and military vehicles seized from Somali government and Ethiopian troops.
Al-Shabab denies links to al-Qaeda and has distanced itself from the Somali opposition based in Eritrea, saying it is too secular.
He discussed his recently-outlined plan to restore stability. Both sides described the meeting as a stepping stone towards reconciliation.
It is not clear how much influence the elders have with the insurgents.
The most powerful group, al-Shabab, has said it will continue fighting. Most of its members are Hawiye.
Over the past year, the capital, Mogadishu, has been rocked by almost daily violence between Islamist insurgents and Ethiopian troops supporting the Somali government.
In the latest violence, four people, including three government soldiers are reported to have been killed in Mogadishu after gunmen in a vehicle open fire on government soldiers stationed at a junction.
The meeting is the first between the government and members of the Hawiye Cultural and Unity Council, says the BBC's Mohamed Olad Hassan.
He says many of the elders have been sharply critical of government policies and came out of hiding to attend the talks at Mogadishu International Airport under the security umbrella of African Union forces.
On Monday, the prime minister met business leaders in the capital.
Al-Shabab
Al-Shabab has become increasingly active, not only fighting in Mogadishu, but carrying out hit-and-run attacks throughout central and southern Somalia.
In the past few weeks, al-Shabab has attacked a number of strategic towns, including Dinsor in the south-west and Bur Hakaba, near the seat of parliament in Baidoa.
A pattern is emerging whereby the militia briefly occupy the town, often killing a number of people, then withdraw with arms, ammunition and military vehicles seized from Somali government and Ethiopian troops.
Al-Shabab denies links to al-Qaeda and has distanced itself from the Somali opposition based in Eritrea, saying it is too secular.
What Branding Country Really Means
By Kap Kirwok
Nairobi
The East African Standard (Nairobi)
OPINION
23 March 2008
Posted to the web 24 March 2008
In the avalanche of sweet tidings of the just-ended week, it was easy to miss the rather innocuous announcement that a new board to brand and market Kenya abroad had been formed.
We all hope that the Government's move is not just intended to add fillip to the Brand Kenya Initiative of the Marketing Society of Kenya. We pray that it is an integral part of a grand strategy to reposition the country.
We are all too familiar with the standard operating practice of such boards. Often the first order of business is the drawing up of a travel itinerary ostensibly to go and 'learn' how successfully branded countries have done it. This whirlwind tour of world capitals is then followed by the award of an expensive consultancy contract, often to a foreign firm, to develop a vision, strategy and action plans.
In order to cure the typical cynicism and indifference that attends such announcements, this new State Corporation needs to avoid the beaten path. It needs to view its task as going beyond the typical branding exercise - with its narrow focus on marketing. The image and reputation of a country is a product of a wide array of complex factors, chief among them is the nature of political governance. This new entity, therefore, needs to understand at the outset that its success is critically dependent on how well the political leadership plays its role.
I noted with amusement the fact that the new Brand Kenya Board is also tasked with "uniting Kenyans and providing them with positive information about the country in order to promote patriotism and national pride".
The board can provide Kenyans with all the positive information in the world, but if the political leadership continues to beat a different drum, the message to wananchi will be discordant and out of tune.
More significantly, if the reality that people experience in their lives is at variance with the "positive" message, the board will lose credibility - rapidly. Political leaders should, therefore, be among the primary targets for any information campaign.
The same applies to the task of repairing the country's image abroad. It will not be enough to say, 'come to Kenya, we have stopped killing each other'. The road to full image repair must begin with sincere contrition, directed first at ourselves and then to the outside world.
Global rankings
The degree to which the new corporation will be willing to imaginatively practise honesty and integrate efforts across all spheres of national endeavours - political, economic, and social - with a keen eye on Kenya's strategic interests, will determine how successfully it will be.
Talking of success, the Country Brand Index for 2007, a report published annually by the FutureBrand consultancy of the McCann-Erickson WorldGroup, has some interesting rankings.
FutureBrand's ranking of the top 10 countries that stand out as strong and successful brands across a variety of categories puts Australia at the top followed in descending order by USA, UK, France, Italy, Canada, Spain, New Zealand, Greece and Japan.
But what is most interesting is the ranking within the more than 20 categories of brand attributes - ranging from natural beauty to business environment to art and culture.
The fact that Kenya appears in the top 10 in only one category is, all the same, immensely gratifying. It is ranked sixth in the natural beauty category. New Zealand comes on top in that category. New Zealand is number one in two other categories: safety and authenticity.
The Unites States, not surprisingly, is ranked top in business environment, conferences, shopping, and in the probability of visitors extending their stay. And as if to proof that cold weather is no big deal, Canada ranks first among countries where most people are likely to choose to live, outside of their home country.
What was surprising was the rating of Australia as the friendliest country and Thailand as the country offering the most in return for the price you pay.
The reputation of Spain as the country with the best night scene was not surprising. Nightlife is generally a way of life in the Iberian Peninsula.
Similarly, Italy's rank as number one in art and culture is well deserved. Its architecture, sculpture, painting, fashion and music give Italy the distinct feel of a country alive in cultural expression.
United Arabs Emirate excels as a place with the widest variety of brand new and superior selection of accommodation options, including resorts and lodges.
Our country has a great chance to forge a powerful brand that should enable us punch above our weight in the competitive global arena.
But building a brand takes more than a state corporation. It takes astute political leadership. Ask Robert Mugabe about his Brand Zimbabwe project if you doubt.
-The writer is based in the USA
Nairobi
The East African Standard (Nairobi)
OPINION
23 March 2008
Posted to the web 24 March 2008
In the avalanche of sweet tidings of the just-ended week, it was easy to miss the rather innocuous announcement that a new board to brand and market Kenya abroad had been formed.
We all hope that the Government's move is not just intended to add fillip to the Brand Kenya Initiative of the Marketing Society of Kenya. We pray that it is an integral part of a grand strategy to reposition the country.
We are all too familiar with the standard operating practice of such boards. Often the first order of business is the drawing up of a travel itinerary ostensibly to go and 'learn' how successfully branded countries have done it. This whirlwind tour of world capitals is then followed by the award of an expensive consultancy contract, often to a foreign firm, to develop a vision, strategy and action plans.
In order to cure the typical cynicism and indifference that attends such announcements, this new State Corporation needs to avoid the beaten path. It needs to view its task as going beyond the typical branding exercise - with its narrow focus on marketing. The image and reputation of a country is a product of a wide array of complex factors, chief among them is the nature of political governance. This new entity, therefore, needs to understand at the outset that its success is critically dependent on how well the political leadership plays its role.
I noted with amusement the fact that the new Brand Kenya Board is also tasked with "uniting Kenyans and providing them with positive information about the country in order to promote patriotism and national pride".
The board can provide Kenyans with all the positive information in the world, but if the political leadership continues to beat a different drum, the message to wananchi will be discordant and out of tune.
More significantly, if the reality that people experience in their lives is at variance with the "positive" message, the board will lose credibility - rapidly. Political leaders should, therefore, be among the primary targets for any information campaign.
The same applies to the task of repairing the country's image abroad. It will not be enough to say, 'come to Kenya, we have stopped killing each other'. The road to full image repair must begin with sincere contrition, directed first at ourselves and then to the outside world.
Global rankings
The degree to which the new corporation will be willing to imaginatively practise honesty and integrate efforts across all spheres of national endeavours - political, economic, and social - with a keen eye on Kenya's strategic interests, will determine how successfully it will be.
Talking of success, the Country Brand Index for 2007, a report published annually by the FutureBrand consultancy of the McCann-Erickson WorldGroup, has some interesting rankings.
FutureBrand's ranking of the top 10 countries that stand out as strong and successful brands across a variety of categories puts Australia at the top followed in descending order by USA, UK, France, Italy, Canada, Spain, New Zealand, Greece and Japan.
But what is most interesting is the ranking within the more than 20 categories of brand attributes - ranging from natural beauty to business environment to art and culture.
The fact that Kenya appears in the top 10 in only one category is, all the same, immensely gratifying. It is ranked sixth in the natural beauty category. New Zealand comes on top in that category. New Zealand is number one in two other categories: safety and authenticity.
The Unites States, not surprisingly, is ranked top in business environment, conferences, shopping, and in the probability of visitors extending their stay. And as if to proof that cold weather is no big deal, Canada ranks first among countries where most people are likely to choose to live, outside of their home country.
What was surprising was the rating of Australia as the friendliest country and Thailand as the country offering the most in return for the price you pay.
The reputation of Spain as the country with the best night scene was not surprising. Nightlife is generally a way of life in the Iberian Peninsula.
Similarly, Italy's rank as number one in art and culture is well deserved. Its architecture, sculpture, painting, fashion and music give Italy the distinct feel of a country alive in cultural expression.
United Arabs Emirate excels as a place with the widest variety of brand new and superior selection of accommodation options, including resorts and lodges.
Our country has a great chance to forge a powerful brand that should enable us punch above our weight in the competitive global arena.
But building a brand takes more than a state corporation. It takes astute political leadership. Ask Robert Mugabe about his Brand Zimbabwe project if you doubt.
-The writer is based in the USA
Djibouti-Ethopien concession ta
ETHIOPIA: Chemin de fer Djibouti-Ethopien has begun talks with Kuwait-based Fuad Algarim Group with a view to awarding a 20-year concession to operate the 781 km metre gauge line linking Addis Abeba and the port of Djibouti.
A previous concessioning proposal by the governments of Ethiopia and Djibouti attracted nine bidders. South Africa's Comazar was selected as the winner, but the contract signing planned for mid-2007 did not go ahead (RG 9.07 p536).
A €50m grant from the European Development Fund is financing rehabilitation of 114 km of the track by the Italian-based Consta consortium. Work commenced last July and is due for completion in June 2009.
A previous concessioning proposal by the governments of Ethiopia and Djibouti attracted nine bidders. South Africa's Comazar was selected as the winner, but the contract signing planned for mid-2007 did not go ahead (RG 9.07 p536).
A €50m grant from the European Development Fund is financing rehabilitation of 114 km of the track by the Italian-based Consta consortium. Work commenced last July and is due for completion in June 2009.
St Tropez in the Horn?
March 19, 2008
The Economist
A tiny country makes the best of a bad neighbourhood
IN THE centre of the blazing whiteness, four Afar herdsmen chip away at the salt with pickaxes. The milk-green waters beyond the salt pans look almost glacial, but the burning hot wind, the camels and dizzying mirages dispel the illusion. This is Lake Assal. At 155 metres (509 feet) below sea-level, it is Africa's lowest point—and one of its hottest. The Afars (sometimes known as the Danakil) gather the salt into sacks. They used to carry the salt on camels west into the Ethiopian highlands but times have changed. These Afars sell it for $7 a sack in Djibouti town, a couple of hours' drive away.
The road there winds across black lava fields and moonscapes, past a hilltop garrison of the French Foreign Legion, down dry river beds to the azure Gulf of Tadjoura. The capital's outskirts look unpromising but as you get closer to Djibouti Ville—the city itself—an unexpected order asserts itself. Even locals admit that, until recently, the tiny country, with a mere 800,000 people, was asleep. Now, against the odds, it is stirring.
Until recently, it relied almost entirely on French largesse. When independence came, in 1977, the founding president, Hassan Gouled, fretted about what would happen if the colonialists left. But Djibouti (formerly called the French Territory of the Afars and the Issas) is still France's largest foreign base, hosting a force 2,600-strong. It deters the statelet's much bigger, predatory neighbours from even thinking of invading. (Earlier this year, France and the United Arab Emirates signed a deal to let France set up a military base in Abu Dhabi, the largest of the seven emirates.)
After independence, Djibouti's two ethnic groups, the Issas (who are ethnic Somalis) and the Afars drifted into Djibouti city. Most swapped a nomadic life of herding goats and cattle for long heat-haze afternoons chewing qat, a narcotic leaf flown in from Ethiopia. But things began to change when Eritrean independence cut Ethiopia off from the sea. Since then, almost all Ethiopia's trade has been shipped through Djibouti, some of it on a rickety railway linking it to Addis Ababa. The bullish—some say bullying—thinking of Djibouti's current president, Ismail Guelleh, a protégé and nephew of Mr Gouled first elected in 1999, has also helped pep things up. His slogan on billboards throughout the town is “Nous croyons” (We believe).
In what? Well, in Dubai. He wants Djibouti to follow the example of the booming gulf emirate or perhaps even of Malaysia, a Muslim model where many children of Djibouti's elite head for university. Dubai Ports now runs Djibouti's upgraded port. The economy may grow by nearly 6% this year, though unemployment is high and the IMF is unhappy with the government's shoddy fiscal management. Businessmen say the port's improvements make it hard to imagine that Eritrea's Massawa, Somaliland's Berbera or Somalia's Bossaso will catch up soon. Some talk of turning the city's scorching seafront into “St Tropez in the Horn”.
There is also a spectacular plan said to have the backing of Tarek bin Laden, a half-brother of Osama bin Laden, to build the world's longest bridge, across the Bab al-Mandib (Gate of Sorrows), the strait between Djibouti and Yemen. Even for ambitious Djibouti, this may be a bridge too far, judging by local scepticism and the developers' evasiveness.
But the country may profit from its new strategic importance. Mr Guelleh let America set up a large military base, from which it conducts anti-terrorist operations across east Africa. Ruthless policing and foreign troops have so far stopped Islamist militants from getting a foothold there, although there are complaints that Mr Guelleh is increasingly undemocratic.
Mr Guelleh's main aim is not to annoy any government in the region. Relations with Ethiopia are tense but practical. Mr Guelleh opposed Ethiopia's invasion of Somalia in late 2006 but avoids the topic when meeting Ethiopian officials. Djibouti's people resent the advertisements along their roads in Amharic, Ethiopia's main language. But grumbling is quickly silenced by Ethiopian threats to cut off qat imports. Djibouti is similarly cautious with Somalia. Mr Guelleh is disappointed by the feebleness of Somalia's transitional government but does not endorse neighbouring Somaliland's bid for independence. In sum, Djibouti is surviving cannily in a tough neighbourhood.
The Economist
A tiny country makes the best of a bad neighbourhood
IN THE centre of the blazing whiteness, four Afar herdsmen chip away at the salt with pickaxes. The milk-green waters beyond the salt pans look almost glacial, but the burning hot wind, the camels and dizzying mirages dispel the illusion. This is Lake Assal. At 155 metres (509 feet) below sea-level, it is Africa's lowest point—and one of its hottest. The Afars (sometimes known as the Danakil) gather the salt into sacks. They used to carry the salt on camels west into the Ethiopian highlands but times have changed. These Afars sell it for $7 a sack in Djibouti town, a couple of hours' drive away.
The road there winds across black lava fields and moonscapes, past a hilltop garrison of the French Foreign Legion, down dry river beds to the azure Gulf of Tadjoura. The capital's outskirts look unpromising but as you get closer to Djibouti Ville—the city itself—an unexpected order asserts itself. Even locals admit that, until recently, the tiny country, with a mere 800,000 people, was asleep. Now, against the odds, it is stirring.
Until recently, it relied almost entirely on French largesse. When independence came, in 1977, the founding president, Hassan Gouled, fretted about what would happen if the colonialists left. But Djibouti (formerly called the French Territory of the Afars and the Issas) is still France's largest foreign base, hosting a force 2,600-strong. It deters the statelet's much bigger, predatory neighbours from even thinking of invading. (Earlier this year, France and the United Arab Emirates signed a deal to let France set up a military base in Abu Dhabi, the largest of the seven emirates.)
After independence, Djibouti's two ethnic groups, the Issas (who are ethnic Somalis) and the Afars drifted into Djibouti city. Most swapped a nomadic life of herding goats and cattle for long heat-haze afternoons chewing qat, a narcotic leaf flown in from Ethiopia. But things began to change when Eritrean independence cut Ethiopia off from the sea. Since then, almost all Ethiopia's trade has been shipped through Djibouti, some of it on a rickety railway linking it to Addis Ababa. The bullish—some say bullying—thinking of Djibouti's current president, Ismail Guelleh, a protégé and nephew of Mr Gouled first elected in 1999, has also helped pep things up. His slogan on billboards throughout the town is “Nous croyons” (We believe).
In what? Well, in Dubai. He wants Djibouti to follow the example of the booming gulf emirate or perhaps even of Malaysia, a Muslim model where many children of Djibouti's elite head for university. Dubai Ports now runs Djibouti's upgraded port. The economy may grow by nearly 6% this year, though unemployment is high and the IMF is unhappy with the government's shoddy fiscal management. Businessmen say the port's improvements make it hard to imagine that Eritrea's Massawa, Somaliland's Berbera or Somalia's Bossaso will catch up soon. Some talk of turning the city's scorching seafront into “St Tropez in the Horn”.
There is also a spectacular plan said to have the backing of Tarek bin Laden, a half-brother of Osama bin Laden, to build the world's longest bridge, across the Bab al-Mandib (Gate of Sorrows), the strait between Djibouti and Yemen. Even for ambitious Djibouti, this may be a bridge too far, judging by local scepticism and the developers' evasiveness.
But the country may profit from its new strategic importance. Mr Guelleh let America set up a large military base, from which it conducts anti-terrorist operations across east Africa. Ruthless policing and foreign troops have so far stopped Islamist militants from getting a foothold there, although there are complaints that Mr Guelleh is increasingly undemocratic.
Mr Guelleh's main aim is not to annoy any government in the region. Relations with Ethiopia are tense but practical. Mr Guelleh opposed Ethiopia's invasion of Somalia in late 2006 but avoids the topic when meeting Ethiopian officials. Djibouti's people resent the advertisements along their roads in Amharic, Ethiopia's main language. But grumbling is quickly silenced by Ethiopian threats to cut off qat imports. Djibouti is similarly cautious with Somalia. Mr Guelleh is disappointed by the feebleness of Somalia's transitional government but does not endorse neighbouring Somaliland's bid for independence. In sum, Djibouti is surviving cannily in a tough neighbourhood.
Eritrea works to lure business back to war-battered port
AFP, March 24, 2008
MASSAWA: It’s been a long time since the old bank in Eritrea’s main Red Sea port had a customer. Like much of the ancient city of Massawa, it was devastated by heavy Ethiopian bombing raids during its liberation in 1990 by Eritrean guerrilla fighters.
Today, hungry cats prowl the once elegant colonial-era building, ornate plasterwork lies in piles of rubble and the bank’s thick vault door hangs inches open - rusted solid, with only spider webs visible in its tantalisingly inaccessible gloom.
But towering above its bullet-pocked and crumbling facade tall cranes turn slowly as they heave up containers from a boat onto the dock.
The cranes are new, part of ambitious plans to revitalise the steamy port - once one of the busiest in east Africa - by declaring a 1,100 hectare (2,717 acre) free trade zone to attract investment and boost Eritrea’s tightly controlled economy.
“We believe it can be an engine to transform Eritrea’s economy,” said Araia Tseggai, chief executive of the Eritrean Free Zones Authority.
“It will help develop an internationally competitive business sector,” Araia added, stressing its position, “ideally sited” on the busy shipping route between the Middle East, Asia and Europe.
The free zone is planned to include warehousing facilities, manufacturing and assembly plants, commercial trading and services for shipping.
State media boasts that half a billion nakfa ($33mn) has already been spent. A new airport has been constructed, roads upgraded, a lavish sea-front hotel near completion and an army of national service conscripts drafted in to toil on the construction of rows of apartment blocks.
“A country can’t attract investment without infrastructure,” Eritrean President Issaias Afeworki said during a recent interview published by the state media.
“By putting in place very good infrastructure and service for handling... that could be an opportunity for regional and global markets.”
But it’s a tough task to revitalise Massawa’s economy, with industry and trade stifled by a long-running border deadlock with arch-foe Ethiopia.
Analysts continue to warn of a potential return to hostilities following a 1998-2000 border war. Some quarter of million troops face each other across no-man’s land, with tensions raised after UN peacekeepers pulled out of border zones this month after Eritrea cut their fuel supply.
“It’s a ghost town,” said one elderly port worker, wearily waving a stick at a dozen scrawny cats begging for fish scraps. He pointed to the once busy bars, now largely empty with the young conscripted into a giant national service programme, and bar workers rounded up and sent for tough military training in the hot surrounding desert. “It’s not like the old days,” he added.
State media say that at least ten companies have received licenses to start businesses, optimistically predicting that “many more” will apply.
The zones are a rare chance for private enterprise in Eritrea, whose restrictive foreign currency regulations, hostile diplomacy towards several Western nations and tough import restrictions have deterred outside investors.
But the government has promised that foreign companies will be exempt from import and export taxes, and, crucially, will be allowed to take profits out of the free zone.
“We have high hopes, and there are dozens of companies already interested,” Araia added, saying the zone will be expanded.
Companies from China, several Gulf states, Italy, Israel and Sudan are among those considering setting up, he added.
But competition is stiff for late-starting Massawa, with well-established regional rivals including neighbouring Port Sudan, Djibouti, and the Yemeni port of Aden, all themselves dwarfed by Dubai.
Djibouti enjoyed a massive trade boom when it became the main port for landlocked Ethiopia, which switched its business to the city-state after the border with Eritrea was closed with the outbreak of war in 1998.
Yet the government says it is determined to rebuild the city, which spreads from the mainland via long causeways across to two islands, where the main docks are based.
“We are a young nation and we have inherited a legacy of a devastated country,” said Issaias, who is himself now based much of the time in the port, 103km east of the mountain capital Asmara.
Once dubbed the “pearl of the Red Sea” for its Arab and Turkish influenced architecture, many of Massawa’s estimated 35,000 inhabitants live in simple huts patched with metal sheets and ragged cloth.
With sweltering temperatures soaring well above 40 Celsius for many months of the year, it’s a tough place to live.
The government enthusiastically hopes to boost Massawa’s fishing industry to improve food security as part of its fierce policy of self-reliance that includes the rejection of foreign food aid handouts.
But without positive change on the border stand-off with Ethiopia - with many fearing their far larger neighbour still hungers for its lost Red Sea ports - many ambitions will remain only a dream.
“We can make every effort, but until the problem with Ethiopia is solved we cannot progress far,” said one Massawa businessman, sipping tea in a bar looking out across the sparkling water to the bombed ruins of former Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie’s palace.
“If war breaks out again, then all we have tried to achieve could just be lost again.”
MASSAWA: It’s been a long time since the old bank in Eritrea’s main Red Sea port had a customer. Like much of the ancient city of Massawa, it was devastated by heavy Ethiopian bombing raids during its liberation in 1990 by Eritrean guerrilla fighters.
Today, hungry cats prowl the once elegant colonial-era building, ornate plasterwork lies in piles of rubble and the bank’s thick vault door hangs inches open - rusted solid, with only spider webs visible in its tantalisingly inaccessible gloom.
But towering above its bullet-pocked and crumbling facade tall cranes turn slowly as they heave up containers from a boat onto the dock.
The cranes are new, part of ambitious plans to revitalise the steamy port - once one of the busiest in east Africa - by declaring a 1,100 hectare (2,717 acre) free trade zone to attract investment and boost Eritrea’s tightly controlled economy.
“We believe it can be an engine to transform Eritrea’s economy,” said Araia Tseggai, chief executive of the Eritrean Free Zones Authority.
“It will help develop an internationally competitive business sector,” Araia added, stressing its position, “ideally sited” on the busy shipping route between the Middle East, Asia and Europe.
The free zone is planned to include warehousing facilities, manufacturing and assembly plants, commercial trading and services for shipping.
State media boasts that half a billion nakfa ($33mn) has already been spent. A new airport has been constructed, roads upgraded, a lavish sea-front hotel near completion and an army of national service conscripts drafted in to toil on the construction of rows of apartment blocks.
“A country can’t attract investment without infrastructure,” Eritrean President Issaias Afeworki said during a recent interview published by the state media.
“By putting in place very good infrastructure and service for handling... that could be an opportunity for regional and global markets.”
But it’s a tough task to revitalise Massawa’s economy, with industry and trade stifled by a long-running border deadlock with arch-foe Ethiopia.
Analysts continue to warn of a potential return to hostilities following a 1998-2000 border war. Some quarter of million troops face each other across no-man’s land, with tensions raised after UN peacekeepers pulled out of border zones this month after Eritrea cut their fuel supply.
“It’s a ghost town,” said one elderly port worker, wearily waving a stick at a dozen scrawny cats begging for fish scraps. He pointed to the once busy bars, now largely empty with the young conscripted into a giant national service programme, and bar workers rounded up and sent for tough military training in the hot surrounding desert. “It’s not like the old days,” he added.
State media say that at least ten companies have received licenses to start businesses, optimistically predicting that “many more” will apply.
The zones are a rare chance for private enterprise in Eritrea, whose restrictive foreign currency regulations, hostile diplomacy towards several Western nations and tough import restrictions have deterred outside investors.
But the government has promised that foreign companies will be exempt from import and export taxes, and, crucially, will be allowed to take profits out of the free zone.
“We have high hopes, and there are dozens of companies already interested,” Araia added, saying the zone will be expanded.
Companies from China, several Gulf states, Italy, Israel and Sudan are among those considering setting up, he added.
But competition is stiff for late-starting Massawa, with well-established regional rivals including neighbouring Port Sudan, Djibouti, and the Yemeni port of Aden, all themselves dwarfed by Dubai.
Djibouti enjoyed a massive trade boom when it became the main port for landlocked Ethiopia, which switched its business to the city-state after the border with Eritrea was closed with the outbreak of war in 1998.
Yet the government says it is determined to rebuild the city, which spreads from the mainland via long causeways across to two islands, where the main docks are based.
“We are a young nation and we have inherited a legacy of a devastated country,” said Issaias, who is himself now based much of the time in the port, 103km east of the mountain capital Asmara.
Once dubbed the “pearl of the Red Sea” for its Arab and Turkish influenced architecture, many of Massawa’s estimated 35,000 inhabitants live in simple huts patched with metal sheets and ragged cloth.
With sweltering temperatures soaring well above 40 Celsius for many months of the year, it’s a tough place to live.
The government enthusiastically hopes to boost Massawa’s fishing industry to improve food security as part of its fierce policy of self-reliance that includes the rejection of foreign food aid handouts.
But without positive change on the border stand-off with Ethiopia - with many fearing their far larger neighbour still hungers for its lost Red Sea ports - many ambitions will remain only a dream.
“We can make every effort, but until the problem with Ethiopia is solved we cannot progress far,” said one Massawa businessman, sipping tea in a bar looking out across the sparkling water to the bombed ruins of former Ethiopian emperor Haile Selassie’s palace.
“If war breaks out again, then all we have tried to achieve could just be lost again.”
Darfur peacekeeping force at risk of failing, already
By Lydia Polgreen
Sunday, March 23, 2008
ABU SUROUJ, Sudan: As Darfur smolders in the aftermath of a new government offensive, a long-sought peacekeeping force, expected to be the world's largest, is in danger of failing even before it begins its mission because of bureaucratic delays, stonewalling by the Sudanese government and reluctance from troop-contributing countries to send peacekeeping forces into an active conflict.
The force, which officially took over from an overstretched and exhausted African Union force in Darfur on Jan. 1, has just over 9,000 of an expected 26,000 soldiers and police officers, and will not fully deploy until the end of the year, United Nation officials said.
Even the troops that are in place, the old African Union force plus two other battalions, lack essential equipment - like sufficient armored personnel carriers and helicopters - to carry out even the most rudimentary of peacekeeping tasks. Some even had to buy their own paint to turn their green helmets United Nations blue, peacekeepers here said.
The peacekeepers' work is more essential than ever. At least 30,000 people were displaced last month as the government and its allied militias fought to retake territory held by rebel groups fighting in the region, said United Nations human rights officials.
For weeks after the attacks, many of the displaced were hiding in the bush nearby or living in the open along the volatile border between Sudan and Chad, inaccessible to aid workers. Most wanted to return to their scorched villages and rebuild but did not feel safe from roaming bandits and militias.
This month, a week spent with the peacekeeping troops based here at the headquarters of Sector West, a wind-blown outpost at the heart of the recent violence, revealed a force struggling mightily to do better than its much-maligned predecessor, but with little new manpower or equipment.
Despite this, the force is managing to project a greater sense of security for the tens of thousands of vulnerable civilians in the vast territory it covers, mounting night patrols in displaced people's camps and long-range patrols to the areas hardest hit by fighting.
But those small gains are fragile, and if more troops do not arrive soon the force will be written off as being as ineffective and compromised as the one that preceded it.
"We really don't have much time to prove we can do better," said Brigadier General Balla Keita, commander of the roughly 2,000 troops in West Darfur, just one-third of the expected total for the area. "God gave the prophets the ability to achieve miracles so that people would believe. So people here will believe when they see improvements on the ground. And that cannot wait for more troops, we need to do better with what we have."
The deployment of the biggest peacekeeping force in modern history in one of the most remote, hostile and forbidding corners of the globe was bound to be a logistical nightmare. Darfur is landlocked, water is scarce, the roads are rutted tracks crossed by the mud and sand traps of dry riverbeds.
But those problems pale in comparison with the diplomatic and political struggles the mission faces.
When previous large missions were organized in Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone, the central governments in those countries had collapsed or were so weak that they had little choice but to accept peacekeepers on their territory. But the government of Sudan agreed to accept United Nations-led peacekeepers in Darfur only after a long diplomatic struggle and under a great deal of pressure.
The progress to get the mission in place has been slow, and much of the blame for this has been placed at the feet of the Sudanese government. For months after the United Nations Security Council approved the force, Sudan insisted on limits on the force's makeup and independence, demanding the power to dictate which countries contributed troops, to shut down the force's communication systems when the government carried out offensives and to restrict the movements of peacekeepers at night.
Ultimately, the government signed a compromise with the United Nations that allowed the force to operate, but Sudan was successful in insisting that the vast majority of troops come from African countries, and will be supplemented by soldiers from other regions only if suitable African troops cannot be found.
That stipulation has delayed the force's mission, because African armies are not able to deploy quickly with the equipment and training to meet stringent UN standards, United Nations officials and Western diplomats said.
Sudanese government officials have argued that African troops are up to the job and that non-African troops would be seen as neocolonial interlopers.
The problems have raised fears that the United Nations force would suffer the same fate as the African Union force, which was hobbled from the start by a weak mandate, which was to observe a cease-fire, not protect civilians.
The thousands of troops deployed by Rwanda, Nigeria, Senegal and other nations were mainly there to protect the military observers, who were unarmed, and the unarmed civilian police, whose job was to guard the camps for the internally displaced people.
But the original cease-fire was quickly violated and subsequent agreements failed to produce peace. The African troops soon were seen, perhaps unfairly, as useless note-takers who visited the scene of atrocities long after the fact, gathering testimony that seemed to disappear into a bureaucratic black hole.
All of that has changed with the new hybrid mission. The force has a robust mandate to protect civilians. But that is easier said than done, said Major Sani Abdullahi, the man in charge of the single company charged with fending off roaming militias and rebels to protect tens of thousands of displaced villagers in nearly a dozen camps, along with thousands more vulnerable residents of remote villages.
It is unclear how exactly the deployment of troops in Darfur can be speeded up. Western activists involved in the Darfur issue have demanded that China, Sudan's main trading partner and one of its weapons' suppliers, pressure Sudan to allow the troops to deploy quickly. While some of the blame for the delay has been placed in the Sudanese government, United Nations requirements that the troops meet a certain standard have also slowed the force, according to diplomats and political analysts.
The deployment "is not principally being delayed by the Sudanese government," said one senior Western diplomat in Khartoum, Sudan's capital, who is not authorized to speak publicly. Other problems, like the United Nations bureaucracy and the reluctance of troop-contributing countries, were as much to blame, the diplomat said.
There is certainly no lack of money. Rodolphe Adada, the mission's civilian chief, said the force had a budget of $1.7 billion. What it needs is troops and equipment, and neither has been easy to get. More pressure on the Sudanese government, he said, would not help matters.
Some countries are reluctant to commit troops in an active conflict with no peace agreement or even a working cease-fire. "The international community had two choices - get a peace accord and deploy the mission after, or send the mission anyway," Adada said. "It chose the latter. But how do you keep the peace when there is no peace to keep?"
Sunday, March 23, 2008
ABU SUROUJ, Sudan: As Darfur smolders in the aftermath of a new government offensive, a long-sought peacekeeping force, expected to be the world's largest, is in danger of failing even before it begins its mission because of bureaucratic delays, stonewalling by the Sudanese government and reluctance from troop-contributing countries to send peacekeeping forces into an active conflict.
The force, which officially took over from an overstretched and exhausted African Union force in Darfur on Jan. 1, has just over 9,000 of an expected 26,000 soldiers and police officers, and will not fully deploy until the end of the year, United Nation officials said.
Even the troops that are in place, the old African Union force plus two other battalions, lack essential equipment - like sufficient armored personnel carriers and helicopters - to carry out even the most rudimentary of peacekeeping tasks. Some even had to buy their own paint to turn their green helmets United Nations blue, peacekeepers here said.
The peacekeepers' work is more essential than ever. At least 30,000 people were displaced last month as the government and its allied militias fought to retake territory held by rebel groups fighting in the region, said United Nations human rights officials.
For weeks after the attacks, many of the displaced were hiding in the bush nearby or living in the open along the volatile border between Sudan and Chad, inaccessible to aid workers. Most wanted to return to their scorched villages and rebuild but did not feel safe from roaming bandits and militias.
This month, a week spent with the peacekeeping troops based here at the headquarters of Sector West, a wind-blown outpost at the heart of the recent violence, revealed a force struggling mightily to do better than its much-maligned predecessor, but with little new manpower or equipment.
Despite this, the force is managing to project a greater sense of security for the tens of thousands of vulnerable civilians in the vast territory it covers, mounting night patrols in displaced people's camps and long-range patrols to the areas hardest hit by fighting.
But those small gains are fragile, and if more troops do not arrive soon the force will be written off as being as ineffective and compromised as the one that preceded it.
"We really don't have much time to prove we can do better," said Brigadier General Balla Keita, commander of the roughly 2,000 troops in West Darfur, just one-third of the expected total for the area. "God gave the prophets the ability to achieve miracles so that people would believe. So people here will believe when they see improvements on the ground. And that cannot wait for more troops, we need to do better with what we have."
The deployment of the biggest peacekeeping force in modern history in one of the most remote, hostile and forbidding corners of the globe was bound to be a logistical nightmare. Darfur is landlocked, water is scarce, the roads are rutted tracks crossed by the mud and sand traps of dry riverbeds.
But those problems pale in comparison with the diplomatic and political struggles the mission faces.
When previous large missions were organized in Congo, Liberia and Sierra Leone, the central governments in those countries had collapsed or were so weak that they had little choice but to accept peacekeepers on their territory. But the government of Sudan agreed to accept United Nations-led peacekeepers in Darfur only after a long diplomatic struggle and under a great deal of pressure.
The progress to get the mission in place has been slow, and much of the blame for this has been placed at the feet of the Sudanese government. For months after the United Nations Security Council approved the force, Sudan insisted on limits on the force's makeup and independence, demanding the power to dictate which countries contributed troops, to shut down the force's communication systems when the government carried out offensives and to restrict the movements of peacekeepers at night.
Ultimately, the government signed a compromise with the United Nations that allowed the force to operate, but Sudan was successful in insisting that the vast majority of troops come from African countries, and will be supplemented by soldiers from other regions only if suitable African troops cannot be found.
That stipulation has delayed the force's mission, because African armies are not able to deploy quickly with the equipment and training to meet stringent UN standards, United Nations officials and Western diplomats said.
Sudanese government officials have argued that African troops are up to the job and that non-African troops would be seen as neocolonial interlopers.
The problems have raised fears that the United Nations force would suffer the same fate as the African Union force, which was hobbled from the start by a weak mandate, which was to observe a cease-fire, not protect civilians.
The thousands of troops deployed by Rwanda, Nigeria, Senegal and other nations were mainly there to protect the military observers, who were unarmed, and the unarmed civilian police, whose job was to guard the camps for the internally displaced people.
But the original cease-fire was quickly violated and subsequent agreements failed to produce peace. The African troops soon were seen, perhaps unfairly, as useless note-takers who visited the scene of atrocities long after the fact, gathering testimony that seemed to disappear into a bureaucratic black hole.
All of that has changed with the new hybrid mission. The force has a robust mandate to protect civilians. But that is easier said than done, said Major Sani Abdullahi, the man in charge of the single company charged with fending off roaming militias and rebels to protect tens of thousands of displaced villagers in nearly a dozen camps, along with thousands more vulnerable residents of remote villages.
It is unclear how exactly the deployment of troops in Darfur can be speeded up. Western activists involved in the Darfur issue have demanded that China, Sudan's main trading partner and one of its weapons' suppliers, pressure Sudan to allow the troops to deploy quickly. While some of the blame for the delay has been placed in the Sudanese government, United Nations requirements that the troops meet a certain standard have also slowed the force, according to diplomats and political analysts.
The deployment "is not principally being delayed by the Sudanese government," said one senior Western diplomat in Khartoum, Sudan's capital, who is not authorized to speak publicly. Other problems, like the United Nations bureaucracy and the reluctance of troop-contributing countries, were as much to blame, the diplomat said.
There is certainly no lack of money. Rodolphe Adada, the mission's civilian chief, said the force had a budget of $1.7 billion. What it needs is troops and equipment, and neither has been easy to get. More pressure on the Sudanese government, he said, would not help matters.
Some countries are reluctant to commit troops in an active conflict with no peace agreement or even a working cease-fire. "The international community had two choices - get a peace accord and deploy the mission after, or send the mission anyway," Adada said. "It chose the latter. But how do you keep the peace when there is no peace to keep?"
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