Mulugeta Alemu
31 December 2007
Perhaps alarmed by the Tsorena incident on 26 December 2007, Slovenia, the current chair of the EU presidency, issued a press release on 28 December 2007. This brief statement says so many things at once. First, the EU is committed for ‘sustainable’ peace between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Second, the two countries should refrain from using force or threat of force to solve their disputes. Third, both parties should fulfil their obligations under the Algiers Agreement, and the decisions and statements of the Security Council. Ethiopia has an awful lot of reasons to be pleased with this pronouncement.
The government of Ethiopia has been assiduously stating that the search for sustainable peace between the two countries should be a priority. For a while, some short-sightedly attempted to put unwarranted pressure on Ethiopia to unconditionally accept the decision of the boundary commission. Though Ethiopia has reiterated its position in accepting the demarcation decision, the government in Asmara is unfazed. In what appears to be a deliberate choice of word by the EU, ‘sustainable peace’ is re-introduced in its diplomatic lexicon. This is probably an indicative of its realistic shift towards a nuanced and pragmatic stance on the matter.
The Ethiopian government has also been reiterating time and again that it will not be the one to use force in sorting out its difference with the Eritrean government. Thus, the presidential declaration is in line with Ethiopia’s stated policy. Eritrea’s deliberate portrayal of the Tsorena incident as an Ethiopian aggression failed to illicit any reaction to speak of. Ironically the unintended consequence of the incident was that it has given an indication of the state of affairs in Asmara. The Eritrean regime found itself between the rock and the hard place. If it categorises the incident as a major attack, it may well be that a proper reaction is expected from it, which it is not in any position to undertake. Crying foul on an Ethiopian attack also has a risk of portraying a weak Eritrea. What did the Eritrean government do? It settled for an almost comical narrative on ‘small-scale attack.’ One wonders why the Eritrean government was put in pressure to be engaged in an unusual job of selecting its words. Wouldn’t it be better and much suited to the tradition of Asmara to say that it has failed a major attack from the South? Isn’t it ironic that Eritrea also cited UNMEE as a referee, after it has derided the later for such a long time?
The most out of the ordinary aspect of the declaration is the fact that it leaves out any reference to either the boundary commission or to its decision. The statement simply calls the two countries to respect their obligations under the Algiers agreement, and the decisions of the Security Council. Just before the extinction of the boundary Commission, Ethiopia was telling the tribunal’s imminent jurists that given Eritrea’s blatant breaches of the Algiers agreement, the issue has reached such a proportion that it was effectively outside of their jurisdiction. It is remarkably positive development that the EU, as a major guarantor of the peace agreement has carefully listened to Ethiopia’s rational stance.
Monday, December 31, 2007
Saturday, December 29, 2007
The Fear of Elections’ Illiberal Ends
As the Kenyan Election Commission throws itself all over the place to issue the results of the 2007 General Elections and as ominous political tensions unfold, the familiar story of the predicament of Africa’s democratic transition is being retold. Some Western pundits and African commentators dubbed it a great African experimentation which needs to be emulated by others. I beg to differ.
Odinga’s victory should not be over interpreted. A defeat of incumbency is often wrongly used as gauge of testing the depth of democracy. Accordingly any election outcome which ratifies the continuation of an incumbency is considered suspect. Opposition political parties are invariably promoted as champions of democracy and constitutionalism, without seriously considering whether indeed their political programs and activities promote constitutionalism and rule of law. Printing of private newspapers or existence of NGOs was taken as scaling indexes of democratic performance.
Some of the reasons explaining the West’s obsession with others’ struggle with such wrong-headed electioneering has nothing to do with democracy itself. The Muslim world has shown to the West how democracy may be used for an illiberal agenda. No one in the West now seriously considers pushing Saudi Arabia, Algeria or Egypt towards a Western style election. Why not? Whereas pro-democracy foreign policy may not promote the Western interest in the Muslim world, it perfectly works well in this part of our world. Nothing scares some as the coming of big and powerful political machines in Africa. Chaotic electoral systems are best suited to penetrate and bring outside influence to bear. Consider the Western anxiety over the election outcome within ANC in South Africa. Many of them would have been happy to see a more chaotic, fragmented political scene in South Africa where the power base is decentred and fragmented.
Is there any lesson one can take from Kenya’s election? Not anything significant. It simply forces us to hang on to our tentative conclusion that Western style electioneering is not the best guarantor of stability, transparency and even respect for human rights. The so called private media uses freedom of expression as a means of propagating norms and values that undermine democracy itself. As evidenced during the 2005 federal and parliamentary elections in Ethiopia, opposition political parties may use democratic platforms for political programs that question fundamental constitutional playing fields. ‘Civil Society organisations’ are often appendages of foreign interests often run by people who are ready to do anything for a decent pay.
The chief challenge for liberal democracy has come from big and economically growing countries such as China and Russia. The increasing influence of these countries at the global stage is giving a space, al bit limited, for smaller and even poorer countries to be relived from extreme pressure to adopt western-style political processes which end up resulting in unintended consequences such as political tensions, violations of human rights, lack of focus on economic development and etc.
Odinga’s victory should not be over interpreted. A defeat of incumbency is often wrongly used as gauge of testing the depth of democracy. Accordingly any election outcome which ratifies the continuation of an incumbency is considered suspect. Opposition political parties are invariably promoted as champions of democracy and constitutionalism, without seriously considering whether indeed their political programs and activities promote constitutionalism and rule of law. Printing of private newspapers or existence of NGOs was taken as scaling indexes of democratic performance.
Some of the reasons explaining the West’s obsession with others’ struggle with such wrong-headed electioneering has nothing to do with democracy itself. The Muslim world has shown to the West how democracy may be used for an illiberal agenda. No one in the West now seriously considers pushing Saudi Arabia, Algeria or Egypt towards a Western style election. Why not? Whereas pro-democracy foreign policy may not promote the Western interest in the Muslim world, it perfectly works well in this part of our world. Nothing scares some as the coming of big and powerful political machines in Africa. Chaotic electoral systems are best suited to penetrate and bring outside influence to bear. Consider the Western anxiety over the election outcome within ANC in South Africa. Many of them would have been happy to see a more chaotic, fragmented political scene in South Africa where the power base is decentred and fragmented.
Is there any lesson one can take from Kenya’s election? Not anything significant. It simply forces us to hang on to our tentative conclusion that Western style electioneering is not the best guarantor of stability, transparency and even respect for human rights. The so called private media uses freedom of expression as a means of propagating norms and values that undermine democracy itself. As evidenced during the 2005 federal and parliamentary elections in Ethiopia, opposition political parties may use democratic platforms for political programs that question fundamental constitutional playing fields. ‘Civil Society organisations’ are often appendages of foreign interests often run by people who are ready to do anything for a decent pay.
The chief challenge for liberal democracy has come from big and economically growing countries such as China and Russia. The increasing influence of these countries at the global stage is giving a space, al bit limited, for smaller and even poorer countries to be relived from extreme pressure to adopt western-style political processes which end up resulting in unintended consequences such as political tensions, violations of human rights, lack of focus on economic development and etc.
Thursday, December 27, 2007
Behold the Eritreans, not the Wartreans!
Mulugeta Alemu
27 December 2007
Did Eritrea’s public pronouncement that Ethiopia just lunched an attack against it around Tsorena area on 26 December 2007 came as a surprise to you? It should not. I already named the country north of Ethiopia-Wartrea. This government of Wartrea had for several months been crying foul that Ethiopia is to launch an attack. Its Diaspora support network, Hizbi Mekete is revived within Wartrea and abroad trying to rally the ever diminishing number of the regime’s supporters. So in effect an old message is repackaged and is being sent out to Wartreans that Ethiopia is conspiring with the US and others to wipe out the Wartrean government and its institutions. US’s threat to enlist Wartrea as a terrorist state is a part of such evil stratagem, say Wartrea officials. Wartrea opposition websites are awash with theories about how the Eritrean regime is manipulating war-talk
So decoding the Tsorena incident should not be a difficult task at all. It is in the system which can only function best in a war zone. The organizers of the Hizbi Mekete badly need war mongering messages. The response of the diaspora Wartreans to the government call for support had been simply flat. Thus the Wartreans government’s propaganda mill started producing heaps of lies to agitate them.
But Eritreans should know better. In the past, they have shown to the world that they can fight injustices and win their freedom. Now their freedom is being taken away by very few individuals whom power had corrupted absolutely. Their brothers and sisters are in continuous military camp malnourished and despondent. They continue to flee their countries in thousands to Ethiopia and Sudan. There are currently 17, 000 Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia alone. Eritrea’s freedom is not threatened by the Ethiopian government. Their enemy is from within. Where are the Eritrean statesmen who envision peace for their people? Where the Eritrean intellectuals who speak hope to their compatriots? Where are Eritrean mothers and fathers who speak wisdom and reconciliation for their sons and daughters? Where are those courageous fighters who have given so much for their freedom? The stillness of their voice is only making the wartreans noisy.
27 December 2007
Did Eritrea’s public pronouncement that Ethiopia just lunched an attack against it around Tsorena area on 26 December 2007 came as a surprise to you? It should not. I already named the country north of Ethiopia-Wartrea. This government of Wartrea had for several months been crying foul that Ethiopia is to launch an attack. Its Diaspora support network, Hizbi Mekete is revived within Wartrea and abroad trying to rally the ever diminishing number of the regime’s supporters. So in effect an old message is repackaged and is being sent out to Wartreans that Ethiopia is conspiring with the US and others to wipe out the Wartrean government and its institutions. US’s threat to enlist Wartrea as a terrorist state is a part of such evil stratagem, say Wartrea officials. Wartrea opposition websites are awash with theories about how the Eritrean regime is manipulating war-talk
So decoding the Tsorena incident should not be a difficult task at all. It is in the system which can only function best in a war zone. The organizers of the Hizbi Mekete badly need war mongering messages. The response of the diaspora Wartreans to the government call for support had been simply flat. Thus the Wartreans government’s propaganda mill started producing heaps of lies to agitate them.
But Eritreans should know better. In the past, they have shown to the world that they can fight injustices and win their freedom. Now their freedom is being taken away by very few individuals whom power had corrupted absolutely. Their brothers and sisters are in continuous military camp malnourished and despondent. They continue to flee their countries in thousands to Ethiopia and Sudan. There are currently 17, 000 Eritrean refugees in Ethiopia alone. Eritrea’s freedom is not threatened by the Ethiopian government. Their enemy is from within. Where are the Eritrean statesmen who envision peace for their people? Where the Eritrean intellectuals who speak hope to their compatriots? Where are Eritrean mothers and fathers who speak wisdom and reconciliation for their sons and daughters? Where are those courageous fighters who have given so much for their freedom? The stillness of their voice is only making the wartreans noisy.
Monday, December 24, 2007
UN Somali Envoy’s Omnious Message
Mulugeta Alemu
The 100 or so Burundian soldiers join 1600 Ugandan troops already stationed in Mogadishu. Burundi had pledged 1700 troops. It is expected that additional troops will be contributed by countries such as Nigeria. As the first batch of Burundi troops arrive in the Somalia capital, the international community is yet to muster the required resources to bolster the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Given the indolence of the international community in supporting AMISOM and the complex problems within Somalia, AMISOM’s future is still fuzzy and alas, the message coming from the United Nations is indeed ill-omened.
In his recent report to the Security Council and press statement afterwards, Ban ki Moon’s Special Envoy to Somalia, Mauritanian national Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, outlined his vision for Somalia. He proclaimed his plan to introduce a ‘two-tracked approach’ and declared the end of ‘business as usual’ response. His declaration made a lip service to AMISOM, but is accompanied by a rather curious proposal which raised eyebrows at the UN headquarters. He suggested that Saudi Arabia should play a leading role in Somalia. Why should Saudi Arabia be invited to Somalia? He bizarrely responded that the Saudis host Islam’s two holist sites, and have a moral ‘authority’ and ‘prestige’. He also elaborated on the need for Islamic countries such as Pakistan, Indonesia, Bangladesh and Jordan to contribute troops to Somalia. He made a lame political balance by halfheartedly raising the possibility that one or two NATO countries may consider sending troops. As expected, few understood his proposals and rationale behind them.
Ban Ki Moon had ignored the UN Security Council to develop a UN contingency plan on Somalia, and even made a controversial statement in November suggesting that Somalia is too risky for a UN mission. Shouldn’t Mr. Ould-Abdallah’s new enthusiasm be encouraged?
Countless problems loom large in his proposals. Firstly they are excessively vague and half-backed. His recommendations, probably treading incalculable sensitive geopolitical issues, were crafted in such generalities that members of the Security Council were forced to ask for more details. While talking about the need to establish an all-inclusive ‘government of national unity’, he avoided any mention of the peace and reconciliation conference held in Somalia through the auspices of the TFG, and its outcome. Among his chief proposals, however, there is one which stands out having a particularly significant potential impact on AMISOM. And this proposal is related to his call for Saudi Arabia’s role, and a strange naming of Islamic countries as potential contributors of troops to Somalia. The envoy’s message is clear and it is this Somalia’s crisis is primary an arabic and islamic issue and thus it should be handled as such.
Are the Saudis interested to send troops to Somalia? There is no indication that they are. So far Saudi’s role has been limited to hosting Somalis for peace talks, and probably sending a lot of money to the Islamists. One such talk occurred in October 2007. They are also active in Organization of Islamic Conference contact group on Somalia. But the odds are high that they are probably testing the waters for a more pronounced influence in Somalia. Mr Ould-Abdallah’s happy-go-lucky statements made that very clear indeed.
For several years, the Islamists enjoyed a strong support from Gulf States and business interests. A carefully crafted campaign projecting Ethiopia’s intervention in Somalia as American attack on Islam through a Christian satellite in Africa was evident. So far these messages were veiled. It is remarkable how the message is being sent through quite innocent sounding diplomatic briefs
The 100 or so Burundian soldiers join 1600 Ugandan troops already stationed in Mogadishu. Burundi had pledged 1700 troops. It is expected that additional troops will be contributed by countries such as Nigeria. As the first batch of Burundi troops arrive in the Somalia capital, the international community is yet to muster the required resources to bolster the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). Given the indolence of the international community in supporting AMISOM and the complex problems within Somalia, AMISOM’s future is still fuzzy and alas, the message coming from the United Nations is indeed ill-omened.
In his recent report to the Security Council and press statement afterwards, Ban ki Moon’s Special Envoy to Somalia, Mauritanian national Ahmedou Ould-Abdallah, outlined his vision for Somalia. He proclaimed his plan to introduce a ‘two-tracked approach’ and declared the end of ‘business as usual’ response. His declaration made a lip service to AMISOM, but is accompanied by a rather curious proposal which raised eyebrows at the UN headquarters. He suggested that Saudi Arabia should play a leading role in Somalia. Why should Saudi Arabia be invited to Somalia? He bizarrely responded that the Saudis host Islam’s two holist sites, and have a moral ‘authority’ and ‘prestige’. He also elaborated on the need for Islamic countries such as Pakistan, Indonesia, Bangladesh and Jordan to contribute troops to Somalia. He made a lame political balance by halfheartedly raising the possibility that one or two NATO countries may consider sending troops. As expected, few understood his proposals and rationale behind them.
Ban Ki Moon had ignored the UN Security Council to develop a UN contingency plan on Somalia, and even made a controversial statement in November suggesting that Somalia is too risky for a UN mission. Shouldn’t Mr. Ould-Abdallah’s new enthusiasm be encouraged?
Countless problems loom large in his proposals. Firstly they are excessively vague and half-backed. His recommendations, probably treading incalculable sensitive geopolitical issues, were crafted in such generalities that members of the Security Council were forced to ask for more details. While talking about the need to establish an all-inclusive ‘government of national unity’, he avoided any mention of the peace and reconciliation conference held in Somalia through the auspices of the TFG, and its outcome. Among his chief proposals, however, there is one which stands out having a particularly significant potential impact on AMISOM. And this proposal is related to his call for Saudi Arabia’s role, and a strange naming of Islamic countries as potential contributors of troops to Somalia. The envoy’s message is clear and it is this Somalia’s crisis is primary an arabic and islamic issue and thus it should be handled as such.
Are the Saudis interested to send troops to Somalia? There is no indication that they are. So far Saudi’s role has been limited to hosting Somalis for peace talks, and probably sending a lot of money to the Islamists. One such talk occurred in October 2007. They are also active in Organization of Islamic Conference contact group on Somalia. But the odds are high that they are probably testing the waters for a more pronounced influence in Somalia. Mr Ould-Abdallah’s happy-go-lucky statements made that very clear indeed.
For several years, the Islamists enjoyed a strong support from Gulf States and business interests. A carefully crafted campaign projecting Ethiopia’s intervention in Somalia as American attack on Islam through a Christian satellite in Africa was evident. So far these messages were veiled. It is remarkable how the message is being sent through quite innocent sounding diplomatic briefs
Thursday, December 20, 2007
Letter from Somalia
Ethiopia’s Next Steps on Somalia
Mulugeta Alemu
Prime Minster Meles Zenawi’s timely interview with the BBC on 20 December 2007 reaffirms what his administration tirelessly has been saying for quite a long time now; that peace-keepers should quickly be deployed in Somalia and that the international community ought to robustly support the transitional government and its institutions. So far both are unfulfilled promises, and the international community risks failing Somalia for the second time. It was the lack of coordinated international support which in the first place severely weekend the TFG and its institutions after its establishment in Nairobi in 2004.
Following TFG’s capture of Mogadishu on 28 December 2006, the African Union had adopted a resolution calling Ethiopia’s role as a positive development which created an opportunity for a durable political solution. One year on, many hold the view that not all is lost in regaining the momentum in Somalia. Sadly enough, the international community particularly the United Nations has played a far less constructive role. First was that spectacularly embarrassing statement by the Secretary General in November that Somalia was too unstable and risky for a UN peace keeping mission to be considered there. Then series of ‘activist’ statements and pronouncements followed by host of officials from UN humanitarian agencies who started talking too much and doing too little in Somalia.
But what does the international community want Ethiopia to do? For too long, Ethiopia did conspicuously little to challenge those who are so opinionated about Somalia but who have insignificant presence in the country. This status quo should change. Ethiopia needs an aggressive campaign strategy so that the choices for its disengagement in Somalia are clear to everyone. In this respect, Meles’s rebuke is salutary.
Voice of America on 16 December 2007 indicated that officials within the Bush administration are debating whether the US should continue to support the Somali government or consider other alternatives. It is healthy that all interested parties are debating and weighting their policy options in this troubled country. The US is yet to show a robust and genuine support to the TFG. But is there option other than supporting the transitional government and its institutions? Support to the TFG need not be confused with support to certain individuals within it. Expanding the political base of the transitional government through a continuous political process should be pursued. Not doing would only encourage and further strengthen the unruly Islamist Jihadists and terrorists who don’t have any vision for the Somalia and the region. This also needs to be made quite clear even to those who are doing ‘Somali talking’.
Mulugeta Alemu
Prime Minster Meles Zenawi’s timely interview with the BBC on 20 December 2007 reaffirms what his administration tirelessly has been saying for quite a long time now; that peace-keepers should quickly be deployed in Somalia and that the international community ought to robustly support the transitional government and its institutions. So far both are unfulfilled promises, and the international community risks failing Somalia for the second time. It was the lack of coordinated international support which in the first place severely weekend the TFG and its institutions after its establishment in Nairobi in 2004.
Following TFG’s capture of Mogadishu on 28 December 2006, the African Union had adopted a resolution calling Ethiopia’s role as a positive development which created an opportunity for a durable political solution. One year on, many hold the view that not all is lost in regaining the momentum in Somalia. Sadly enough, the international community particularly the United Nations has played a far less constructive role. First was that spectacularly embarrassing statement by the Secretary General in November that Somalia was too unstable and risky for a UN peace keeping mission to be considered there. Then series of ‘activist’ statements and pronouncements followed by host of officials from UN humanitarian agencies who started talking too much and doing too little in Somalia.
But what does the international community want Ethiopia to do? For too long, Ethiopia did conspicuously little to challenge those who are so opinionated about Somalia but who have insignificant presence in the country. This status quo should change. Ethiopia needs an aggressive campaign strategy so that the choices for its disengagement in Somalia are clear to everyone. In this respect, Meles’s rebuke is salutary.
Voice of America on 16 December 2007 indicated that officials within the Bush administration are debating whether the US should continue to support the Somali government or consider other alternatives. It is healthy that all interested parties are debating and weighting their policy options in this troubled country. The US is yet to show a robust and genuine support to the TFG. But is there option other than supporting the transitional government and its institutions? Support to the TFG need not be confused with support to certain individuals within it. Expanding the political base of the transitional government through a continuous political process should be pursued. Not doing would only encourage and further strengthen the unruly Islamist Jihadists and terrorists who don’t have any vision for the Somalia and the region. This also needs to be made quite clear even to those who are doing ‘Somali talking’.
Thursday, December 13, 2007
Tensions persist over Ethiopia-Eritrea border
ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia - Isayas Gabriel was there as tens of thousands of fellow soldiers were cut down during Ethiopia's last war with Eritrea, a 2 1/2 year bloodbath over a seemingly insignificant border town called Badme.
Seven years after the war's official end, he is watching as the countries appear to be gearing up for Round 2.
An international commission charged with marking out the border essentially threw up its hands recently and ended its work with no formal demarcation, evidence of how stubbornly both sides have resisted mediation. The Brussels-based International Crisis Group said last month that the threat of war is "very real," and "just weeks away." An estimated 225,000 troops face off across a tense buffer zone.
The implications stretch far beyond Eritrea, a Red Sea nation of 5 million, and Ethiopia, Africa's second most populous country with some 77 million people.
"You cannot separate the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict from what is happening in Somalia, Sudan and even the Middle East," said Medhane Tadesse, a political analyst in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. "This is not just a small, low-key conflict. It's a large-scale military confrontation."
The West has long been concerned that the Horn of Africa could become a breeding ground for al-Qaida. Osama bin Laden's terror group already has claimed responsibility for several attacks in the region, including the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania that killed 225 people. Further instability created by war could create further opportunity for extremists.
The United States looks to Ethiopia to help fight the war on terror in East Africa. Meanwhile, the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush is preparing a case to designate Eritrea a "state sponsor of terrorism" for its alleged support of Islamic extremists in Somalia.
Experts say Ethiopia and Eritrea are using largely lawless Somalia as a proxy battleground.
Ethiopia sent military support to Somalia last year to drive a radical Islamic group from power, and now is fighting alongside Somali government troops beset by remnants of the Islamic force waging an Iraq-style insurgency.
The leaders of the Somali Islamic group are based in the Eritrean capital, Asmara. U.N. arms experts accuse Eritrea of secretly supplying huge quantities of arms — including surface-to-air missiles and suicide belts — to Somali insurgents.
Bulcha Demeksa, an opposition parliamentarian, said Ethiopia cannot fight in Somalia and Eritrea simultaneously.
"It is not just soldiers, it is everything," he said. "Logistics, citizens' support, young men's commitment. We cannot do that."
U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who traveled to Addis Ababa this month for crisis talks with some of Africa's most unstable states, urged Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to maintain calm.
"There must not be a resumption of hostilities initiated by either side," Rice said.
Still, there has been an "alarming" military buildup along the border over the past few months, with an estimated 100,000 Ethiopian troops facing off with some 125,000 Eritrean troops, according to the International Crisis Group.
Once part of Ethiopia, Eritrea fought a 30-year guerrilla war that ultimately led to a referendum and independence in 1993. But the countries still disagreed over currency and trade issues, and both laid claim to several border regions, including Badme.
Eritrean soldiers entered the dusty border town in 1998, sparking the war. Eritrea's agricultural economy — with some 70 percent of the population involved in farming and herding — was devastated, and both armies suffered massive casualties.
"Both believe that sovereignty over Badme is symbolically vital, even if of little intrinsic economic value," the International Crisis Group said. "Whoever finally owns that village will be able to claim victory and justify the war's enormous sacrifices."
After the war ended, the international Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission gave the town to Eritrea, but Ethiopia has not conceded the town.
Late last month, the panel ended its work after both countries failed to allow it to physically mark out the border, formally granting Badme to Eritrea. The panel said it considers its work done, and that Badme belongs to Eritrea.
Minelik Alemu of the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said the decision is "is ill-advised, to put it mildly."
Eritrea, meanwhile, considers the ruling a victory.
Isayas, who fought in the 1998-200 war, is sober, but also boastful.
"Since I have witnessed war firsthand, I know exactly its extent of destruction," he said. "If war breaks out, it will be the end of the regime in Eritrea."
The Eritreans, however, beg to differ.
"If Ethiopia starts a war they will be crushed and that will be the end of their history," Eritrean Information Minister Ali Abdu said.
Kolelech Alemu, a 52-year-old school nurse in Addis Ababa, is dreading the prospect of a new war.
"Both sides must do whatever is required to avoid war from breaking out," she said. "I have lost some family members in the past war and I know exactly how painful it was. I don't want more of that to happen."
Seven years after the war's official end, he is watching as the countries appear to be gearing up for Round 2.
An international commission charged with marking out the border essentially threw up its hands recently and ended its work with no formal demarcation, evidence of how stubbornly both sides have resisted mediation. The Brussels-based International Crisis Group said last month that the threat of war is "very real," and "just weeks away." An estimated 225,000 troops face off across a tense buffer zone.
The implications stretch far beyond Eritrea, a Red Sea nation of 5 million, and Ethiopia, Africa's second most populous country with some 77 million people.
"You cannot separate the Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict from what is happening in Somalia, Sudan and even the Middle East," said Medhane Tadesse, a political analyst in the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa. "This is not just a small, low-key conflict. It's a large-scale military confrontation."
The West has long been concerned that the Horn of Africa could become a breeding ground for al-Qaida. Osama bin Laden's terror group already has claimed responsibility for several attacks in the region, including the 1998 bombings of the U.S. embassies in Kenya and Tanzania that killed 225 people. Further instability created by war could create further opportunity for extremists.
The United States looks to Ethiopia to help fight the war on terror in East Africa. Meanwhile, the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush is preparing a case to designate Eritrea a "state sponsor of terrorism" for its alleged support of Islamic extremists in Somalia.
Experts say Ethiopia and Eritrea are using largely lawless Somalia as a proxy battleground.
Ethiopia sent military support to Somalia last year to drive a radical Islamic group from power, and now is fighting alongside Somali government troops beset by remnants of the Islamic force waging an Iraq-style insurgency.
The leaders of the Somali Islamic group are based in the Eritrean capital, Asmara. U.N. arms experts accuse Eritrea of secretly supplying huge quantities of arms — including surface-to-air missiles and suicide belts — to Somali insurgents.
Bulcha Demeksa, an opposition parliamentarian, said Ethiopia cannot fight in Somalia and Eritrea simultaneously.
"It is not just soldiers, it is everything," he said. "Logistics, citizens' support, young men's commitment. We cannot do that."
U.S. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, who traveled to Addis Ababa this month for crisis talks with some of Africa's most unstable states, urged Prime Minister Meles Zenawi to maintain calm.
"There must not be a resumption of hostilities initiated by either side," Rice said.
Still, there has been an "alarming" military buildup along the border over the past few months, with an estimated 100,000 Ethiopian troops facing off with some 125,000 Eritrean troops, according to the International Crisis Group.
Once part of Ethiopia, Eritrea fought a 30-year guerrilla war that ultimately led to a referendum and independence in 1993. But the countries still disagreed over currency and trade issues, and both laid claim to several border regions, including Badme.
Eritrean soldiers entered the dusty border town in 1998, sparking the war. Eritrea's agricultural economy — with some 70 percent of the population involved in farming and herding — was devastated, and both armies suffered massive casualties.
"Both believe that sovereignty over Badme is symbolically vital, even if of little intrinsic economic value," the International Crisis Group said. "Whoever finally owns that village will be able to claim victory and justify the war's enormous sacrifices."
After the war ended, the international Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission gave the town to Eritrea, but Ethiopia has not conceded the town.
Late last month, the panel ended its work after both countries failed to allow it to physically mark out the border, formally granting Badme to Eritrea. The panel said it considers its work done, and that Badme belongs to Eritrea.
Minelik Alemu of the Ethiopian Ministry of Foreign Affairs said the decision is "is ill-advised, to put it mildly."
Eritrea, meanwhile, considers the ruling a victory.
Isayas, who fought in the 1998-200 war, is sober, but also boastful.
"Since I have witnessed war firsthand, I know exactly its extent of destruction," he said. "If war breaks out, it will be the end of the regime in Eritrea."
The Eritreans, however, beg to differ.
"If Ethiopia starts a war they will be crushed and that will be the end of their history," Eritrean Information Minister Ali Abdu said.
Kolelech Alemu, a 52-year-old school nurse in Addis Ababa, is dreading the prospect of a new war.
"Both sides must do whatever is required to avoid war from breaking out," she said. "I have lost some family members in the past war and I know exactly how painful it was. I don't want more of that to happen."
Wednesday, December 12, 2007
Sudan-Ethiopia cooperation will further be strengthen - PM
December 11, 2007 (ADDIS ABABA) — Being back from EU-Africa summit in Lisbon Prime Minister Meles Zenawi said, the current Ethio-Sudan cooperation in the road development sector will further be strengthened in other infrastructure development sectors too.
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al-Basher inaugurated Al-Gadariff- Al-Galabat -Doka highway, few days ago which is believed to be a major land link to transport Ethiopian agricultural products to Sudan and fuel from Sudan in return.
Also, the Sudan’s First Vice President, Salva Kiir Mayadrit is expected tomorrow in Addis Ababa where he would hold talks on the bilateral ties between the tow countries and ways to strengthen the economic exchanges.
During the inauguration, Sudanese President, Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir, has applauded the bilateral and all rounded cooperation of the two brotherly nations saying as "exemplary to other African countries."
The economic cooperation of the two countries is growing fast particularly in agriculture and energy sectors, Ethiopian Television reported in connection with a recent visit to Sudan of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
The two neighboring countries are installing necessary infrastructure facilities such as trans-boundary road links to further enhance their multifarious cooperation.
Prime Minister Meles, during his stay in Sudan, also has held discussions with his Sudanese counterpart on issues related to South Sudan and Darfur crises.
The two leaders on the occasion have made fresh pledges to commit themselves in assuring lasting peace and managing conflicts.
The construction of the 156 km-long section was executed by an Egyptian constructor. The project has cost 30 million USD, 90% of which was from a grant provided by the Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development (AFESD) and 10 pct by the Sudanese Government
Prime Minister Meles Zenawi and Sudanese President Omar Hassan Al-Basher inaugurated Al-Gadariff- Al-Galabat -Doka highway, few days ago which is believed to be a major land link to transport Ethiopian agricultural products to Sudan and fuel from Sudan in return.
Also, the Sudan’s First Vice President, Salva Kiir Mayadrit is expected tomorrow in Addis Ababa where he would hold talks on the bilateral ties between the tow countries and ways to strengthen the economic exchanges.
During the inauguration, Sudanese President, Omar Hassan Ahmad al-Bashir, has applauded the bilateral and all rounded cooperation of the two brotherly nations saying as "exemplary to other African countries."
The economic cooperation of the two countries is growing fast particularly in agriculture and energy sectors, Ethiopian Television reported in connection with a recent visit to Sudan of Prime Minister Meles Zenawi.
The two neighboring countries are installing necessary infrastructure facilities such as trans-boundary road links to further enhance their multifarious cooperation.
Prime Minister Meles, during his stay in Sudan, also has held discussions with his Sudanese counterpart on issues related to South Sudan and Darfur crises.
The two leaders on the occasion have made fresh pledges to commit themselves in assuring lasting peace and managing conflicts.
The construction of the 156 km-long section was executed by an Egyptian constructor. The project has cost 30 million USD, 90% of which was from a grant provided by the Arab Fund for Economic and Social Development (AFESD) and 10 pct by the Sudanese Government
Improving Bilateral Ties Between Kuwait and Ethiopia
Addis Ababa, December 12, 2007 (Addis Ababa) - Foreign Minister, Seyoum Mesfin announced on Wednesday that Ethiopia and Kuwait agreed to enhance bilateral cooperation after fruitful discussions held between senior government officials of the two countries.
Seyoum made the announcement after holding talks with Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Kuwait, Sheikh Dr. Mohammed Sabah AL-Salem Al-Sabah on Ethio-Kuwait bilateral relations and on peace and security issues.
Seyoum said the two sisterly countries decided to bolster diplomatic and bilateral cooperation, especially in trade, investment, and political sectors.
The two countries also agreed to meet and hold discussions on international issues as well as on the prevailing situations in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East.
As per the agreement reached between the two countries, an Ethio-Kuwait Joint Committee, composed of government officials and members of the business community, is to begin activities soon.
According to the minister, the two countries finalized preparations to sign labor accord that would enable Ethiopians work in that country.
Seyoum made the announcement after holding talks with Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Kuwait, Sheikh Dr. Mohammed Sabah AL-Salem Al-Sabah on Ethio-Kuwait bilateral relations and on peace and security issues.
Seyoum said the two sisterly countries decided to bolster diplomatic and bilateral cooperation, especially in trade, investment, and political sectors.
The two countries also agreed to meet and hold discussions on international issues as well as on the prevailing situations in the Horn of Africa and the Middle East.
As per the agreement reached between the two countries, an Ethio-Kuwait Joint Committee, composed of government officials and members of the business community, is to begin activities soon.
According to the minister, the two countries finalized preparations to sign labor accord that would enable Ethiopians work in that country.
Bali climate talks find focus in fund for poor nations
With UN climate talks here so far largely deadlocked, an agreement this week to breathe new life into a fund to help poor countries cope with a warming climate is set to be the big breakthrough of the conference.
The issue of adapting to climate change, despite the conference's primary goal of preventing further climate change, has gained new prominence at the Bali talks. Protecting the neediest countries from the effects of a warming world has now become a central theme of the gathering.
"Climate change affects us all, but it does not affect us all equally," Ban Ki Moon, secretary general of the United Nations, said Wednesday to a room of newly arrived ministers and heads of state at the opening of high-level sessions. "Those who are least able to cope are being hit hardest. Those who have done the least to cause the problem bear the gravest consequences."
The meeting in Bali is part of negotiations on how to invigorate a faltering 1992 treaty, the Framework Convention on Climate Change, and to replace the Kyoto Protocol, a 1997 addendum that requires three dozen industrialized countries to cut greenhouse gas emissions below 1990 levels by 2012.
The adaptation fund, which is managed by the Global Environment Facility, an independent financial organization, was established in Kyoto in 1997, but had been criticized for being too difficult to access and for raising only paltry sums of money.
Under an agreement reached by delegates Tuesday, developing countries and other institutions will have direct access to the fund, which is expected to streamline the funding of crucial projects in the developing world. The fund will be overseen by a 16-member board of representatives from both rich and poor countries.
The adaptation fund is to be maintained using a 2 percent tax on transactions within the Clean Development Mechanism, under which rich nations receive carbon credits for investing in sustainable projects in developing countries. The aim of the fund is to help protect those most vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change, like drought, flooding and severe storms.
"For the poor, this is clearly a recognition that participants here in Bali are serious about their concerns," said Monique Barbut, chief executive officer of the Global Environment Fund. "They can see that there has been a shift at the conference. It is not all about who is emitting, but it is also about the ones who are suffering from those emissions."
Indeed, in the past few years, negotiations over a global climate treaty have developed a dual focus - mitigating climate change and also adapting to it.
Some analysts, however, are skeptical about just how significant the establishment of the adaptation fund will be for the world's defense against environmental disasters associated with rising temperatures.
A recent United Nations Human Development Report detailed how the poor, especially along the equator, are the most vulnerable to climate hazards and lashed out at rich countries for not following through on their original financial commitments to help.
The report said that an additional 600 million people would be hungry, 200 million more displaced by floods and 400 million more exposed to diseases like malaria and dengue, if the world's temperature rises just two degrees Celsius.
Kevin Watkins, lead author of the report, said a lot of uncertainty remained about the level of actual resources that will be mobilized under the new agreement.
"This is not a final solution," he said on the sidelines of the Bali conference. "But we can see how the issue is starting to force its way up the climate change agenda."
Carbon trading is expected to become a $70 billion a year industry by the time the adaptation fund goes into effect in 2008. Still, garnering only 2 percent of that amount means it will fall well short of projected needs in the developing world. The Human Development Report called for $86 billion annually in new and additional financing for pro-poor adaptation.
Although not included in this week's agreement, the idea of extending the two percent tax to other financial mechanisms was discussed and could be included in later drafts. But until then, analysts hope that spending the money correctly will make up for not having enough. "It is not simply a question of additional money, it is using the money you already have in a smart way," said Hans Verlome, director of the Global Climate Change Program for WWF. "You will get more bang for your buck by investing in climate smart projects."
The issue of adapting to climate change, despite the conference's primary goal of preventing further climate change, has gained new prominence at the Bali talks. Protecting the neediest countries from the effects of a warming world has now become a central theme of the gathering.
"Climate change affects us all, but it does not affect us all equally," Ban Ki Moon, secretary general of the United Nations, said Wednesday to a room of newly arrived ministers and heads of state at the opening of high-level sessions. "Those who are least able to cope are being hit hardest. Those who have done the least to cause the problem bear the gravest consequences."
The meeting in Bali is part of negotiations on how to invigorate a faltering 1992 treaty, the Framework Convention on Climate Change, and to replace the Kyoto Protocol, a 1997 addendum that requires three dozen industrialized countries to cut greenhouse gas emissions below 1990 levels by 2012.
The adaptation fund, which is managed by the Global Environment Facility, an independent financial organization, was established in Kyoto in 1997, but had been criticized for being too difficult to access and for raising only paltry sums of money.
Under an agreement reached by delegates Tuesday, developing countries and other institutions will have direct access to the fund, which is expected to streamline the funding of crucial projects in the developing world. The fund will be overseen by a 16-member board of representatives from both rich and poor countries.
The adaptation fund is to be maintained using a 2 percent tax on transactions within the Clean Development Mechanism, under which rich nations receive carbon credits for investing in sustainable projects in developing countries. The aim of the fund is to help protect those most vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change, like drought, flooding and severe storms.
"For the poor, this is clearly a recognition that participants here in Bali are serious about their concerns," said Monique Barbut, chief executive officer of the Global Environment Fund. "They can see that there has been a shift at the conference. It is not all about who is emitting, but it is also about the ones who are suffering from those emissions."
Indeed, in the past few years, negotiations over a global climate treaty have developed a dual focus - mitigating climate change and also adapting to it.
Some analysts, however, are skeptical about just how significant the establishment of the adaptation fund will be for the world's defense against environmental disasters associated with rising temperatures.
A recent United Nations Human Development Report detailed how the poor, especially along the equator, are the most vulnerable to climate hazards and lashed out at rich countries for not following through on their original financial commitments to help.
The report said that an additional 600 million people would be hungry, 200 million more displaced by floods and 400 million more exposed to diseases like malaria and dengue, if the world's temperature rises just two degrees Celsius.
Kevin Watkins, lead author of the report, said a lot of uncertainty remained about the level of actual resources that will be mobilized under the new agreement.
"This is not a final solution," he said on the sidelines of the Bali conference. "But we can see how the issue is starting to force its way up the climate change agenda."
Carbon trading is expected to become a $70 billion a year industry by the time the adaptation fund goes into effect in 2008. Still, garnering only 2 percent of that amount means it will fall well short of projected needs in the developing world. The Human Development Report called for $86 billion annually in new and additional financing for pro-poor adaptation.
Although not included in this week's agreement, the idea of extending the two percent tax to other financial mechanisms was discussed and could be included in later drafts. But until then, analysts hope that spending the money correctly will make up for not having enough. "It is not simply a question of additional money, it is using the money you already have in a smart way," said Hans Verlome, director of the Global Climate Change Program for WWF. "You will get more bang for your buck by investing in climate smart projects."
Former southern rebels to rejoin Sudan government
Former southern rebels to rejoin Sudan govern- Sudan's former southern rebels said on Tuesday they would order ministers to rejoin a national coalition government, ending one of the biggest political crises to hit the country since the end of a two-decade civil war.The Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) said it would end its boycott of the Government of National Unity on Wednesday after leader Salva Kiir met President Omar Hassan al-Bashir and resolved a string of grievances.The SPLM pulled its ministers out of the coalition government in October, accusing Khartoum of stalling on a 2005 peace deal that ended Africa's longest civil war.The move sparked a bitter row between the sides and stirred fears of a return to conflict.But SPLM Secretary General Pagan Amum told reporters that Kiir and Bashir had now resolved almost all the points of contention, including a timetable for the withdrawal of troops to either side of Sudan's north-south border.The SPLM and Khartoum were still at loggerheads over the demarcation of the central oil-rich Abyei region, he said. But both Bashir and Kiir had agreed to discuss the issue again in a week and were confident it could be resolved, he added."We have achieved a lot... We have resolved all the outstanding issues that caused the crisis, with the exception of Abyei," said Amum.Kiir is Sudan's first vice president as well as head of the SPLM.Abyei's status was left unresolved in the agreement signed between Khartoum and the SPLM in 2005. Khartoum eventually rejected the findings of an independent commission on the demarcation.Amum said the SPLM had agreed to provide all necessary funds for border demarcation and a national census."We have also agreed to institute a full transparent system in the management of the oil sector," he said. All political parties would also start on a programme of "national reconciliation" to heal wounds left by the rift.The sharing of oil revenues has been one of the most contentious issues since the peace deal. The census is supposed to pave the way for national elections in 2009 and a referendum on the possible secession of the south in 2011.Around 2 million people died during more than 20 years of north-south fighting, fuelled by the discovery of oil against a background of ethnic and religious differences.Oil is linked to conflict elsewhere in Sudan too.Rebels from western Darfur said on Tuesday they had seized a Chinese-run oil field and vowed more assaults on other installations. Sudanese media denied the report, saying a small rebel attack had been repelled.The Justice and Equality movement said it carried out the attack to force Chinese oil firms to leave. The insurgent group accuses Beijing of arming Khartoum and financing the government through oil revenues.
Tuesday, December 11, 2007
'Dozens killed' in Algeria blasts
'Dozens killed' in Algeria blasts The Algerian capital, Algiers, has been rocked by two deadly bomb attacks, on the country's Constitutional Council and the offices of the United Nations.
Medical officials have said more than 60 people were killed, but Algeria's Interior Minister, Noureddine Yazid Zerhouni, has only confirmed 22 deaths.
The bombs were the latest in a series of attacks in Algeria this year.
No group has admitted responsibility, but Mr Zerhouni has blamed a militant Islamist group linked to al-Qaeda.
A recently-arrested militant had revealed that the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) had planned several months ago to attack one of Tuesday's targets, Mr Zerhouni said.
BBC Security Correspondent Frank Gardner says the manner of the bombings and choice of targets suggest the involvement of the group, which is now known as al-Qaeda in the Land of the Islamic Maghreb.
I would like to condemn it in the strongest terms - it cannot be justified in any circumstances UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon
Earlier, Algerian Prime Minister Abdelaziz Belkhadem called off a cabinet meeting to visit hospitals where the injured were being treated.
"These are crimes that targeted innocent people. Students and school children were among the victims. Nothing can justify the crime," he said.
The UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon, also condemned the bombings, saying they were "just unacceptable".
"I would like to condemn it in the strongest terms. It cannot be justified in any circumstances," he told reporters.
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Antonio Guterres, whose staff were caught in the blast, told the BBC that he had "no doubt that the UN was targeted".
The US government called the attacks an act of "senseless violence" on the innocent by the "enemies of humanity".
Students killed
In the attack near the Constitutional Council, a bus packed with students was passing by when the vehicle containing the bomb exploded at around 0930 (0830 GMT).
Security officials said the bus took the full force of the blast and was ripped apart, killing and injuring many of those on board.
At the UN offices in Hydra, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) building bore the brunt of the blast. A residential building and the UNHCR headquarters across the road were also damaged, witnesses said.
Sophie Haspeslagh, who works for the UNDP, told the BBC that she was in a corridor when the blast occurred.
"Everything shattered. Everything fell. I hid under a piece of furniture so I wouldn't be hit by the debris," she said.
"I was holding my jacket on my face because I couldn't breathe."
Ms Haspeslagh said a large part of the UNDP building was destroyed and it was feared people were trapped inside.
A spokesman for the UNDP, Jean Fabre, said at least 12 UN staff members were missing, while the UNHCR said one of its drivers had been killed and another was missing.
However, Algerian Interior Minister Noureddine Yazid Zerhouni said no UN personnel had been among the 12 dead bodies so far recovered in Hydra.
'Suicide bomber'
Earlier, Mr Zerhouni said the explosions had been caused by two car bombs, and that the one at the UN was triggered by a suicide bomber.
Ms Haspeslagh said one of her colleagues had seen a white van drive into the main UN offices then explode.
There have been a series of bomb attacks across Algeria during the past year in which scores of people have died.
In September more than 50 people were killed in suicide attacks - one of them involved a truck packed with explosives being driven into a coast-guard base.
Al-Qaeda link?
Members of the public have recently held rallies in protest at the upsurge in violence.
VIOLENCE IN 2007
6 September: 22 die in bombing in Batna claimed by al-Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb
8 September: 32 die in bombing in Dellys claimed by al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb
July: Suicide bomber targets barracks near Bouira, killing nine
May: Dozens killed in run-up to elections, in fighting between military and militants
April: 33 killed in Algiers in attacks claimed by al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb
March: Three Algerians and a Russian killed in attack on gas pipeline workers
February: Seven bombs kill six east of Algiers
Many of the recent blasts have been claimed by members of al-Qaeda's North Africa wing, calling themselves al-Qaeda in the Land of the Islamic Maghreb (AQLIM), including a triple suicide bombing in Algiers in April which killed 33 people.
The militant group was previously known as the GSPC, but changed its name when it reportedly joined forces with al-Qaeda last year.
BBC regional analyst Roger Hardy says it is unclear how far the group really is linked to Osama Bin Laden's organisation, and how far it is merely inspired by it.
What is worrying Western experts and North African governments is the possibility that radical Islamists in the region no longer have a merely local agenda but are linked to a wider web of international networks.
Algeria suffered a brutal and bloody civil war in the 1990s, but in recent years violence had declined.
Did you witness the explosions or are you in the area? Use the form below to send us your accounts, some of which may be published.
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Story from BBC NEWS:http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7137997.stmPublished: 2007/12/11 17:58:56 GMT© BBC MMVII
Medical officials have said more than 60 people were killed, but Algeria's Interior Minister, Noureddine Yazid Zerhouni, has only confirmed 22 deaths.
The bombs were the latest in a series of attacks in Algeria this year.
No group has admitted responsibility, but Mr Zerhouni has blamed a militant Islamist group linked to al-Qaeda.
A recently-arrested militant had revealed that the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC) had planned several months ago to attack one of Tuesday's targets, Mr Zerhouni said.
BBC Security Correspondent Frank Gardner says the manner of the bombings and choice of targets suggest the involvement of the group, which is now known as al-Qaeda in the Land of the Islamic Maghreb.
I would like to condemn it in the strongest terms - it cannot be justified in any circumstances UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon
Earlier, Algerian Prime Minister Abdelaziz Belkhadem called off a cabinet meeting to visit hospitals where the injured were being treated.
"These are crimes that targeted innocent people. Students and school children were among the victims. Nothing can justify the crime," he said.
The UN Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon, also condemned the bombings, saying they were "just unacceptable".
"I would like to condemn it in the strongest terms. It cannot be justified in any circumstances," he told reporters.
The UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Antonio Guterres, whose staff were caught in the blast, told the BBC that he had "no doubt that the UN was targeted".
The US government called the attacks an act of "senseless violence" on the innocent by the "enemies of humanity".
Students killed
In the attack near the Constitutional Council, a bus packed with students was passing by when the vehicle containing the bomb exploded at around 0930 (0830 GMT).
Security officials said the bus took the full force of the blast and was ripped apart, killing and injuring many of those on board.
At the UN offices in Hydra, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) building bore the brunt of the blast. A residential building and the UNHCR headquarters across the road were also damaged, witnesses said.
Sophie Haspeslagh, who works for the UNDP, told the BBC that she was in a corridor when the blast occurred.
"Everything shattered. Everything fell. I hid under a piece of furniture so I wouldn't be hit by the debris," she said.
"I was holding my jacket on my face because I couldn't breathe."
Ms Haspeslagh said a large part of the UNDP building was destroyed and it was feared people were trapped inside.
A spokesman for the UNDP, Jean Fabre, said at least 12 UN staff members were missing, while the UNHCR said one of its drivers had been killed and another was missing.
However, Algerian Interior Minister Noureddine Yazid Zerhouni said no UN personnel had been among the 12 dead bodies so far recovered in Hydra.
'Suicide bomber'
Earlier, Mr Zerhouni said the explosions had been caused by two car bombs, and that the one at the UN was triggered by a suicide bomber.
Ms Haspeslagh said one of her colleagues had seen a white van drive into the main UN offices then explode.
There have been a series of bomb attacks across Algeria during the past year in which scores of people have died.
In September more than 50 people were killed in suicide attacks - one of them involved a truck packed with explosives being driven into a coast-guard base.
Al-Qaeda link?
Members of the public have recently held rallies in protest at the upsurge in violence.
VIOLENCE IN 2007
6 September: 22 die in bombing in Batna claimed by al-Qaeda in Islamic Maghreb
8 September: 32 die in bombing in Dellys claimed by al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb
July: Suicide bomber targets barracks near Bouira, killing nine
May: Dozens killed in run-up to elections, in fighting between military and militants
April: 33 killed in Algiers in attacks claimed by al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb
March: Three Algerians and a Russian killed in attack on gas pipeline workers
February: Seven bombs kill six east of Algiers
Many of the recent blasts have been claimed by members of al-Qaeda's North Africa wing, calling themselves al-Qaeda in the Land of the Islamic Maghreb (AQLIM), including a triple suicide bombing in Algiers in April which killed 33 people.
The militant group was previously known as the GSPC, but changed its name when it reportedly joined forces with al-Qaeda last year.
BBC regional analyst Roger Hardy says it is unclear how far the group really is linked to Osama Bin Laden's organisation, and how far it is merely inspired by it.
What is worrying Western experts and North African governments is the possibility that radical Islamists in the region no longer have a merely local agenda but are linked to a wider web of international networks.
Algeria suffered a brutal and bloody civil war in the 1990s, but in recent years violence had declined.
Did you witness the explosions or are you in the area? Use the form below to send us your accounts, some of which may be published.
You can send pictures and video to: yourpics@bbc.co.uk or to send via mobile please dial +44 (0)7725 100 100 .
If you have a large file you can upload here.
Do not endanger yourself or others, take any unnecessary risks or infringe any laws.
Name
Your E-mail address
Town & Country
Phone number (optional):
Comments
Story from BBC NEWS:http://news.bbc.co.uk/go/pr/fr/-/2/hi/africa/7137997.stmPublished: 2007/12/11 17:58:56 GMT© BBC MMVII
Rice visit highlights major African issues Sudan’s Al-bashir meets Meles
By Andualem Sisay
The Capital
10 December 2007
United States Secretary of State, Condoleezza Rice, on Wednesday December 5, 2007 met with various African leaders in Addis Ababa and discussed on some of the current major issues of the continent.In her one-day visit, Secretary Rice held talks with the leaders bilaterally and multilaterally on issues such as resolving the conflict in the Great Lakes region, re-building Somalia, deploying peacekeepers to Darfur, HIV/AIDS, Malaria and Tuberculosis. In the morning, Dr. Rice had a multilateral discussion on the problems of the Great Lakes region with President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni of the Republic of Uganda, President Paul Kagame of the Republic of Rwanda, President Pierre Nkurunziza of the Republic of Burundi, and Minister of State for Interior Denis Kalume, representing President Joseph Kabila of the Democratic Republic of Congo. After the meeting took place in a spirit of frank and open exchange that helped to build trust among the member states, they all agreed on three major points, according to the statement the US Embassy in Addis Ababa dispatched to the media. Strengthening state institutions in the Democratic Republic of Congo, particularly in the security sector, as a prerequisite for long-term solutions to insecurity in Eastern Congo is one of the areas they have agreed on. As part of this accord, they will also commit themselves to supporting the rapid strengthening of these institutions. The Great Lakes member states have also agreed not to harbor any negative forces by denying them safe haven or support. They have also agreed on the implementation of the existing agreements among member states, including that the November 9, 2007 Nairobi Communiqué signed by the Congolese and Rwandan Governments, must urgently be implemented. The participants recommitted to do so, including by strengthening the Joint Verification Commission between Congo and Rwanda with third-party assistance.“Some of the problems have been dealt with. There are, however, some residual problems which need to be addressed, and we had a very thorough discussion,” said Uganda’s President Museveni at a press conference organized after their agreement.“Part of the danger for Africa is handling issues in a superficial way, and I am glad that Secretary Rice agreed to stay in the conclave. When you are electing the Pope, you don’t elect him in public, you first have a conclave. So we had a conclave of only the leaders, and we had a very thorough discussion,” he added. In a statement distributed to the media by the US Embassy in Addis Ababa, Secretary Rice on her part said: “We welcome this opportunity to support our Great Lakes partners as they work together to forge a peaceful, democratic and prosperous future for their people. I am here to underscore the commitment of the United States to your success. The United States remains committed to providing humanitarian assistance to address the current emergency in eastern Congo.”“We look forward to the full and rapid implementation of provisions of the November 9 Nairobi communique as a major step toward eliminating the threat of violence and enabling development as we press for peace, safety, respect for human rights and justice for all of the people of the Great Lakes region,” she added.
Rebuilding Somalia Later in the afternoon, Secretary Rice met with representatives of Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG,) including newly appointed Prime Minister Nur Adde Hassan Hussein and encouraged the TFG to renew and revitalize efforts towards a lasting political solution based on the Transitional Federal Charter. “I hope Prime Minister Hussein will draw on his humanitarian background to help facilitate delivery of much-needed humanitarian aid. A ceasefire agreement with key stakeholders, such as clan and business leaders, would be an important step in helping to facilitate delivery of humanitarian assistance, and would reduce the level of violence and create the conditions for longer-term security sector reform,” said Rice. “I also encouraged Prime Minister Hussein to develop a timeline for the remainder of the transitional process by early January, including the drafting of a new constitution and electoral law, as the first step in this process,” she added.Regarding the Somalia case, she also exchanged views with representatives from the African Union and United Nations to discuss the regional strategy to help restore lasting peace and stability in Somalia, including efforts to support the full and timely deployment of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and progress towards national elections in 2009.
Discussion on Darfur crisesRice also discussed on the issue of Darfur with different actors in the conflict. Although there was no official announcement about Rice meeting with Sudan’s president, Mr. Albashier was seen meeting with Prime Minister Meles Zenawi in Addis Ababa on Ethiopian television that evening. According to the statement dispatched to the press following the meeting, the international community’s commitment to working with the Sudanese to see the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) implemented quickly was underscored. “The CPA – an historic accord that ended 21 years of a brutal civil war – provides the best framework for a peaceful, democratic Sudan. The parties to this agreement are obligated to make every effort to guarantee its success.” This meeting also demonstrates broad commitment from states in the region and partners around the world to support the North and the South as they work to solve disputes like the Abyei boundary, conduct a census, and move to deploy their troops in accordance with the CPA. Free, fair and transparent elections in 2009, as stipulated by the CPA, are the best hope of building and sustaining a unified Sudan, the statement continues.“We also urge all players in Sudan to end the violence in Darfur and to support everyone in the country who wants peace, security, and prosperity for themselves and their children,” she said. During her stay, Rice also discussed with Prime Minister Meles and representatives of the Ethiopian government on issues of bilateral importance to both nations, with a focus on Ethiopia’s relations with Somalia, Sudan and Eritrea. During the discussion she held with Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi, United States Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has also expressed her government’s interest of the rapid deployment of Ethiopian troops pledged to the United Nations Mission in Darfur (UNAMID). She also urged Meles to work with Khartoum to allow UNAMID deployments, including non-African troops, to move forward unhindered. Rice also urged the Prime Minister to avoid any acts that might heighten friction between Eritrea and Ethiopia and to take concrete steps to lessen tensions on the border. “There must not be a resumption of hostilities initiated by either side,” she said. The discussion between the two sides also included the importance of strengthening democratic institutions in Ethiopia and the issue of food security, with a specific focus on ensuring unrestricted commercial food delivery throughout the country, including the Ogaden.Regarding Somalia they also discussed the need for the TFG to urgently resume the transitional political process outlined by the Transitional Federal Charter leading towards national elections in 2009. “We emphasized the need for a comprehensive ceasefire agreement to be forged between Somalia’s Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and non-extremist opposition groups, which would help prevent further violence and facilitate the delivery of humanitarian assistance in Mogadishu,” she said in the statement. Other areas of discussion included regional security and fighting terrorism; democracy and human rights; economic development and food security; and public health concerns such as HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and malaria. She also indicated that the Bush Administration is against HR 2003, which is expected to be presented for the Senate of the US with the intention of protecting human rights in Ethiopia by its advocates and the recently released opposition party leaders of Coalition for Unity and Democracy (CUD). “The administration does not support this particular house resolution,” she said.
Monday, December 3, 2007
Sudan oil revenues reach $536 mln last October
December 2, 2007 (KHARTOUM) – Oil revenues in the country last October reached 536 million, its highest rate since the beginning of petroleum production in the Sudan, the official SUNA reported.
Sudan’s oil revenues of last October registered the highest rate since the beginning of petroleum production, where it registered 536 million dollars, 419.4 million dollars of which from exports return and 116.6 million dollars as the proceeds of the domestically used petroleum.
The increase of the revenues is attributed to the rise of the Dar Field production alongside receiving of three shipments of last August exports revenues.
Undersecretary of the Ministry of Finance and National Economy, al- Sheikh al-Mak pointed out that the share of the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS) of the oil revenues was 208.3 million dollars of which 172.4 million dollars of exports and 35.9 million dollars of the locally used oil, adding that GoSS received 178.3 million dollars represents the total of direct remittances from the centre.
He made these statements following a regular meeting of the Joint Committee for Oil Accounts, which includes the National Government and Government of Southern Sudan.
The committee reviewed production position, prices, domestic use and exports and sharing of the return in accordance with the provisions of wealth-sharing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
The committee also reviewed the Oil Revenues Stabilization Account (ORSA) which registered 153.8 million dollars in last October and the share of oil producing states which amounted to 9.56 million dollars; 3.45 million dollars for the Unity State, 4.04 million dollars for Upper Nile State and South Kordofan State 2.07 million dollars.
According to the national wealth sharing protocol, signed on 7 January 2004 by the government of the National Congress Party and the SPLM, at least 2.0 pct of the oil revenue is allocated to the oil-producing states in proportion to their output.
After the payment to Oil Revenue Stabilization Account and to the oil producing states/regions, fifty percent (50%) of net oil revenue derived from oil producing wells are allocated to the Government of Southern Sudan and the remaining fifty percent (50%) to the National Government and states in northern Sudan.
Sudan’s oil revenues of last October registered the highest rate since the beginning of petroleum production, where it registered 536 million dollars, 419.4 million dollars of which from exports return and 116.6 million dollars as the proceeds of the domestically used petroleum.
The increase of the revenues is attributed to the rise of the Dar Field production alongside receiving of three shipments of last August exports revenues.
Undersecretary of the Ministry of Finance and National Economy, al- Sheikh al-Mak pointed out that the share of the Government of Southern Sudan (GoSS) of the oil revenues was 208.3 million dollars of which 172.4 million dollars of exports and 35.9 million dollars of the locally used oil, adding that GoSS received 178.3 million dollars represents the total of direct remittances from the centre.
He made these statements following a regular meeting of the Joint Committee for Oil Accounts, which includes the National Government and Government of Southern Sudan.
The committee reviewed production position, prices, domestic use and exports and sharing of the return in accordance with the provisions of wealth-sharing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA).
The committee also reviewed the Oil Revenues Stabilization Account (ORSA) which registered 153.8 million dollars in last October and the share of oil producing states which amounted to 9.56 million dollars; 3.45 million dollars for the Unity State, 4.04 million dollars for Upper Nile State and South Kordofan State 2.07 million dollars.
According to the national wealth sharing protocol, signed on 7 January 2004 by the government of the National Congress Party and the SPLM, at least 2.0 pct of the oil revenue is allocated to the oil-producing states in proportion to their output.
After the payment to Oil Revenue Stabilization Account and to the oil producing states/regions, fifty percent (50%) of net oil revenue derived from oil producing wells are allocated to the Government of Southern Sudan and the remaining fifty percent (50%) to the National Government and states in northern Sudan.
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